This is the first of two pieces exploring the continental-maritime balance on and around the Korean Peninsula
Attention has turned to the re-emergence of a Cold War-like division in East Asia, with China, North Korea, and Russia on one side and the United States, South Korea, and Japan on the other. More recent reports of North Korea-Russia cooperation heighten fears that this division has become more extensive.
Nonetheless, Cold War-like division is not foreign to those familiar with the Korean Peninsula. In fact, most studies of the Korean Peninsula start with the Cold War and its role in the Korean War (1950-1953), focusing on the birth of South Korea, or the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the subsequent shared sacrifices of the ROK and US-led United Nations Command (UNC) forces sent to defend the country. However, it is easy to forget that Korea has a much deeper strategic history and culture that started well before the Cold War.
Often neglected, the Korean Peninsula is a contesting ground between continental and maritime powers. The Korean Peninsula sits between China and Japan, acting as both a springboard to China and a launching pad to Japan. It is the geographic nexus where the continental meets the maritime. For comparison, the China-Korea-Japan nexus acts as the East Asian equivalent to the Western Europe-Low Countries-United Kingdom passage. Historically, the Korean Peninsula has acted as a pivot over which continental and maritime powers vie for control and influence.
The Historical Contest
China and Japan—and their historical constituents—sought to control the peninsula in the 13th century (the Mongol Empire), 16th century (the Azuchi-Momoyama period in Japan), and 17th century (the Later Jin and Qing dynasties in Manchuria and China). In the modern period, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Japan recognized and acted on Korea’s strategic importance, while Russia, China, and Japan vied for control in the lead up to Japanese annexation in 1907. English-language accounts of the modern period, which accord the names of combatants in war nomenclature, belie the fact that the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) were contested over and on the Korean Peninsula.
Analyzing the numerical distribution of years in which the Korean Peninsula was under continental versus maritime spheres of influence offers insight into the shaping of Korea’s political, cultural, and economic landscape. Broadly, the history of the Korean Peninsula can be divided into periods of continental influence by China and phases of maritime influence by Japan and, more recently, the United States.
China’s influence over Korea has lasted approximately 1,200 years, making it the dominant continental power in the Korean historical context. The influence of China over the Korean Peninsula dates back to the early centuries of its civilization. For much of Korean history, the peninsula was either directly controlled by Chinese dynasties or within their sphere of influence. Major periods of Chinese influence include:
Maritime influence on Korea has lasted around 114 years, including Japanese colonial rule and US strategic influence in South Korea:
A numerical contrast of years under these spheres of influence highlights the historical predominance of continental power. Continental influence—more continuous in the northern environs of the peninsula—has lasted more than ten times as long as maritime influence, which was more continuous in the southern environs.
The sheer disparity in influence illustrates that the Korean Peninsula has historically been far more influenced by its continental neighbor, China, than by maritime powers. However, with technological advancements and improvements in capabilities, maritime influence has increasingly shaped Korea’s modern identity, security, governance, and diplomacy. The legacy of these influences continues to shape geopolitical dynamics on the Korean Peninsula today.
The Modern Contest
A long historical view of the Korean Peninsula thus sets the region as a measure of competition between continental and maritime powers. When continental powers are strong, the peninsula threatens the maritime regions surrounding it. When the continental powers are weak, the maritime powers encroach upon the periphery and threaten the continent. However, the modern period reads differently.
The US-ROK alliance is rooted in maritime influence. South Korea remains heavily aligned with the United States in defense and foreign policy. More recently, as regional security concerns have grown, South Korea has integrated itself into a wider network of like-minded democratic states that stretch across the Indo-Pacific, including Japan and Australia. Between the expeditionary nature of its participation in conflicts after the Korean War, its export-oriented economy and shipbuilding dominance, and its temptations toward a blue-water navy, South Korea has developed into a maritime power.
North Korea remains primarily under China’s sphere of influence, relying on Beijing for economic support and diplomatic cover, while accepting and willfully encouraging Russian posturing as a peripheral but threatening influence. With internal security as its primary concern, heavily reliant on the support of continental allies, and maintaining a navy focused primarily on coastal operations, North Korea has developed into a more insular, continental power.
Despite its modern transformation, the Korean Peninsula remains a contested ground between continental and maritime powers, with South and North Korea facing each other at the front of coalitions of maritime and continental powers. Consequently, when thinking about the Korean Peninsula and its strategic futures, we need to think about what variables influence this balance between maritime and continental power.
Such variables include the changing nature of how new and emerging technologies in air, space, and cyber contribute to continental and maritime power; the interconnectedness of continental and maritime strategies; the balance and asymmetries between continental and maritime power; and the strengthening of existing alliances and development of new coalitions of continental and maritime states. The following piece will further examine how these variables are affecting the maritime and continental balance.
Dr. Jeffrey Robertson is Non-Resident Fellow at the Korea Economic Institute of America, an Associate Professor of Diplomatic Studies at Yonsei University, and a Visiting Fellow at the Korea Studies Research Hub, University of Melbourne. The views expressed here are the author’s alone.
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